In South America, there is a familiar situation reminiscent of the Trump Administration’s proposal for private security contractors to aid U.S. oil companies entering Venezuela.
The region has witnessed paramilitary violence frequently, where private militias, sometimes backed by foreign interests, compete for control in areas lacking law enforcement. They protect resources such as bananas or cattle for consumers worldwide.
Globally, oil companies often employ security contractors to safeguard critical infrastructure like pipelines. Venezuela, however, presents unique challenges. The recent ousting and imprisonment of its president by U.S. forces, coupled with the vast oil reserves and a complex network of armed groups, create a volatile environment.
“Private security in such settings operates like in war zones,” stated Phil Gunson, a Caracas-based senior analyst with the International Crisis Group. “They may act aggressively without hesitation.”
Colombian residents share numerous accounts of human rights abuses by private security firms protecting oil companies from insurgent attacks. Contractors defend pipelines, while rebels target them, leading to violent interrogations of local communities.
According to Gunson, Venezuela already ranks poorly on public safety indices. The country’s avoidance of civil war, unlike Colombia, is due to a quasi-feudal system linking armed groups to the central government. Although Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro is imprisoned in the U.S., his government remains a stabilizing force.
Should the regime collapse, “the likelihood of prolonged, low-intensity conflict is high,” Gunson warned. “It’s a nightmare scenario.”
Trump urges U.S. oil companies to restore Venezuela’s oil facilities, which sit atop the world’s largest proven reserves. The U.S. plans to work with Venezuela’s government post-Maduro, despite the historical anti-imperialist stance of the late Hugo Chavez.
Initially, U.S. oil companies were skeptical about revitalizing Venezuela’s oil industry. Exxon CEO Darren Woods considered Venezuela “uninvestible” due to security concerns. Recently, CNN reported the Trump Administration’s inquiry into private security support for Venezuelan operations.
Following Maduro’s capture, Delcy Rodriguez, the former vice president, now leads Venezuela. It is unclear if her administration can control armed groups, known as colectivos, while collaborating with the U.S.
“Colectivos may eventually oppose the government,” said Ronal Rodriguez from the Observatory on Venezuela at Rosario University. “Their loyalty to Rodriguez is uncertain as their interests may conflict with the U.S.”
Some colectivos have historically rebelled against the government. This system originated when Chavez armed civic groups to support his movement. The government later granted collectives territorial control in coordination with local officials.
Additionally, the Colombian Marxist insurgent group, National Liberation Army (ELN), controls territory in southwestern Venezuela, invited by Caracas to manage disputes among criminal groups. This scenario has led to the presence of numerous private security contractors across the country.
Colombia supplies many of these contractors, Rodriguez noted. Decades of conflict created numerous armed groups with fluctuating loyalty, funded by both the drug trade and U.S. military aid.
Colombia receives the most U.S. military assistance in Latin America. Funds and weaponry have flooded the region, fostering expertise in warfare.
“It’s a prime recruiting ground,” said Jennifer Holmes, a researcher on paramilitary violence and a dean at the University of Texas at Dallas. “There are many available guns for hire.”
Paramilitaries and other armed groups often start with political aims, Holmes said. However, personal vendettas and greed can quickly take precedence, turning security roles into lucrative opportunities in illegal economies.
“Protection jobs come with temptations for additional income,” Holmes added. “There’s ample opportunity for profit.”
Oil companies play a minor role in this historical context, rooted in private militias that guarded banana plantations and cattle ranches. Numerous businesses have funded paramilitary activity over the years.
The lucrative oil industry, Colombia’s leading export, enables the widespread use of security personnel. (The cocaine trade is estimated to exceed oil in export value.)
In southwestern Colombia, indigenous leaders recently reported that armed groups silence opposition to environmental degradation by Canadian oil companies.
“Speaking out is dangerous,” said indigenous elder Matias Redri.
The prospect of reviving Venezuela’s oil sector remains uncertain. Vast investments are needed to rebuild infrastructure, and it’s unclear if oil companies will undertake the challenge.
The arrival of security teams in Venezuela’s oilfields might add to the existing array of militant groups. However, with substantial foreign support, these new entities could possess significant power.
“It’s a society with little law and rampant impunity,” Gunson stated. “With weapons and impunity, crime is a short step away.”
Original Story at insideclimatenews.org